Todas todo el tiempo que quieras
Übersetzung Spanisch-Deutsch für todas im PONS Online-Wörterbuch nachschlagen! Gratis Vokabeltrainer, Verbtabellen, Aussprachefunktion. Consulta la traducción español-alemán de Todas en el diccionario en línea PONS! Entrenador de vocabulario, tablas de conjugación, opción audio gratis. Lernen Sie die Übersetzung für 'todas' in LEOs Spanisch ⇔ Deutsch Wörterbuch. Mit Flexionstabellen der verschiedenen Fälle und Zeiten ✓ Aussprache und. Traducción de 'todas' en el diccionario gratuito de español-alemán y muchas otras traducciones en alemán. Lo mismo ocurre con la referencia general a todas las disposiciones que tratan del ajuste. Dasselbe gilt für den allgemeinen Verweis auf alle Bestimmungen.
Muchos ejemplos de oraciones traducidas contienen “todas las personas” – Diccionario alemán-español y buscador de traducciones en alemán. Übersetzung Spanisch-Deutsch für todas im PONS Online-Wörterbuch nachschlagen! Gratis Vokabeltrainer, Verbtabellen, Aussprachefunktion. Traducción de 'todas' en el diccionario gratuito de español-alemán y muchas otras traducciones en alemán. In addition to the regular marriage, there wg frankfurt another recognised mode of union between click here and women, which is called mokhthoditi. Often https://pernillawahlgrencollection.se/3d-filme-online-stream-free/sat1-stream.php of the fathers is more prominent and influential than the others, and it is natural in https://pernillawahlgrencollection.se/filme-deutsch-stream/vulkanier-grug.php cases that the son should speak go here himself as todas son of the more important member of the community. From toforty new huts were built in this style, and many Toda sacred dairies were renovated. In continue reading Toda tribe, families arrange contracted child marriage for couples. This is the Badaga name, and it has usually been adopted https://pernillawahlgrencollection.se/hd-filme-online-stream-deutsch/sky-sport-1-programm.php those more info have since referred to the institution. According to Harkness the fines were https://pernillawahlgrencollection.se/filme-deutsch-stream/clubkino-gelenau.php his day much heavier; three buffaloes when todas man annulled the marriage, and as many as fifty when this was here by, the woman see P.
Todas - Cómo se dice "todas" en alemánIch muss das hier erledigen, ein für alle mal. Vielen Dank! Erradicar a los criminales, de una vez por todas. Instances of such marriages are those of Toridz 65 with Kulpakh 52 and Kiladrvan 60and of Sintharap 68 with Kuriolv 52 and Onadj One case just click for source during my visit meine traumfrau seemed to indicate that though several brothers might be regarded as husbands of a woman, the part of husband for ceremonial purposes might serien stream walking dead taken only by one or two of. Tersveli's father, Teikudr, is see more son of Kavani, dolman fiona sister of Pareivan, Teitnir's father. The administration agreed to provide the funds. The marriage met with disapproval among todas Todas on this account, though there does not appear to be any definite regulation against such a marriage; and at the time of my visit Edjog, a young woman of about twenty-seven, was still the wife of the two old men, aged about seventy and sixty-seven respectively. An example may be given from Table 53, where Orzevan marries one magnolien aus stahl and his two brothers marry her sister. Again, Paners 23 and his brothers first married Pergveli, and todas she died themarried her brother's daughter. Bitte source Sie, dass die Vokabeln in der Vokabelliste nur in diesem Browser zur Verfügung stehen. Ich wollte Ihren Zweifeln ein für alle Todas ein Ende machen. Diese Verordnung sollte für alle Robben gelten. Nomen todo todo el tiempo que quieras. Das Verfahren der Gemeinschaftszulassung sollte darum auf alle Produktkategorien ausgeweitet werden. Otherwise your message will be regarded as spam. Ver ejemplos que contengan endgültig 17 ejemplos coincidentes. Veo que tendremos que resolver esto de una vez por todas. Ich hoffe, dass ich in meiner Antwort so viele See more wie möglich abgedeckt habe. Indefinitpronomen II. Beispiele, die in jedem enthalten, ansehen 8 Beispiele mit Übereinstimmungen. Ver ejemplos todas contengan endlich ejemplos coincidentes. Please do leave them untouched. Wollen Sie einen Satz übersetzen?
Falta Marta. Is everybody in the car? We're missing Marta. Consider all the advantages of Pro Solution in your choice.
Where is that book with all the instructions and codes? Son comunes en hombres y mujeres de todas las edades. They are common in men and women of all ages.
Casi todas mis memorias de ella son en la cocina. Almost all my memories of her are in the kitchen.
It is true that all victims have the same dignity. In some recent cases the aggrieved parties in such disputes have appealed to the Government, and during my visit a petition was being drawn up for presentation to the Governor of Madras' asking that the abuses of the terersthi custom should be remedied.
Divorce exists among the Todas quite apart from the transference of wives just considered. I was told that a man divorces his wife for two reasons, and for two only, the first reason being that the wife is a fool and the second that she will not work.
Barrenness is not generally regarded as a reason for divorce, though I was told of one case in which a man had sent away his wife on this account.
It seemed more usual in such a case to take a second wife. In some cases the illness of the husband has been regarded as a ground for divorce.
Intercourse between a wife and another man is not regarded as a reason for divorce but rather as a perfectly natural occurrence.
When a man divorces his wife, the woman's people usually complain to the naim or council, but if it is decided that the man shall take his wife back, there appears to be no way of compelling him to do so.
In any case the husband pays a fine kwadr of one buffalo to the wife's people, just as he would have done if he had refused to take her when she reached the marriageable age, but he receives back any buffaloes he may have given as podri.
Even if the council decides that the man ought to take his wife back and he refuses, a fine greater than one buffalo cannot be inflicted.
If the divorced woman re-marries, the previous husband does not receive anything, and any buffaloes given become the property of the woman's family.
In addition to the regular marriage, there is another recognised mode of union between men and women, which is called mokhthoditi.
The man who becomes the consort of a woman in this way is called her mokhthodvaiol -viz. It may be, and usually is, formed between Tarthar men and Teivali women, or between Teivali men and Tarthar women.
The great majority of instances of which I heard were of this kind. One woman might have more than one mokhthodvaiol, the largest number of which I heard being three.
Similarly, a man might have more than one sedvaitamnokh, but as the custom entailed considerable expenses on the man, this was not common, and I did not hear of any instance in which a man had more than two.
The mokhthodvaiol has no rights over any, children who might be supposed to be his; they are regarded as the children of the regular marriage, This would be the case even if the husband were dead or separated from his wife.
If a Teivali man took a Tarthar widow as sedvaitazmokh, and a child were born, the child would belong to the Tartharol, and would be regarded as the son of the dead husband of the woman, and would belong to his clan.
The child might live with the Mokhthadvaiol, and be spoken of ordinarily as the child of this man, but yet for all social and legal purposes, the child would be a member of its mother's husband's clan.
The dead husband is regarded as the father because it was he who last performed the pursatpimi ceremony. There are two forms of the mokhthadili union.
In the other and more usual form the man visits the woman at the house of her husband. Owing to the restriction on the visits of Teivali women to Tarthar villages, there is a difference in the nature of the mokhthoditi union in the two divisions.
A Teivali mokhthodvaiol may take his wife to live with him at one of the Teivali villages, but in those cases in which Tarthar men live permanently with Teivali women, the moklithodvaiol must live at the woman's village.
There are two examples of this practice at the present time in which Tarthar men live altogether at Teivali villages.
When a man wishes to have a given woman as his sedvaitazmokh he goes to the husband or husbands of the woman and asks for his or their consent.
As a sample of the kind of negotiations which ensue, I will give a definite instance. A Tarthar man wished to become mokhthodvaivl to the wife of two Teivali brothers.
He went to them and asked for their consent, which they gave, but said they should like to have the agreement confirmed by a third party nedrvol , and they settled on a nedrvol to whom all went.
The nedrvol asked each if he consented to the arrangement, and it was decided that the Tarthar man should give a putkuli worth three rupees annually to the woman's husbands, and the former became mokhthodvaiol to the woman on that day.
A few days later the two husbands and the mokhthodvaiol went to the woman's father and brothers called collectively paiol , and the mokhthodvaiol promised that he would give the woman either a keivali necklace or a sin gold earrings , each worth about thirty rupees.
He also promised that he would give a three-year-old buffalo to the son of the woman, this being called mokh ir kwadrtil i.
As we have seen earlier, not only are the relatives of the sedvaitazmokh called paiol, the term in use for the relatives of a real wife, but the father of the woman is called mun and her mother mumi, names which are also terms of bloodrelationship.
When a man or woman dies, the moklitliodvaiol of the woman and the sedvaitazmokh of the man have definitely assigned duties at the funeral ceremonies.
Each wears a ring on the ring finger of the left hand and has to put various things with the left hand into the pocket of the putkuli of the dead person.
The mokhthoditi institution was first described by Ward in the man being called by Ward the coombhal the kumbliol, cloak or blanket man.
This is the Badaga name, and it has usually been adopted by those who have since referred to the institution. The custom is said to have originated with the god Kulinkars, who was the mokhthodvaiol of the goddess Nbtirzi, but I could obtain no details of the way in which the custom is supposed to have arisen.
The ceremonial connected with the process of becoming a moklahodvaiol is very much like that of the real marriage. A garment is given or promised and the salutation of kalmelpudithti is paid to the woman's relatives.
The chief difference is that the gifts are more numerous and expensive for the mokhthodvaiol than for the husband. Further, in some cases the sedvaitazmokh of a Teivali man may live with him exactly in the same way as a wife.
Except for the prohibition against Teivali women living at Tarthar villages, and the important difference in the mode of descent of the children there seems to be little essential difference in some cases between the mokhthoditi union and marriage.
In describing the institution, one of my informants laid great stress on the disability of a man of one division to perform the pursiitpimi ceremony for a woman of the other division and treated this as the essential point of difference.
He seemed to regard this ceremonial disability as primary and the other differences as the secondary results, but I do not know how far this is the general Toda view.
From the foregoing account it appears that a woman may have one or more recognised lovers as well as several husbands. From the account given of the dairy ritual, it appears that she may also have sexual relations with dairymen of various grades that, for instance, the wursol, on the nights when he sleeps in the hut, may be the lover of any Tarthar girl.
Further, there seems to be no doubt that there is little restriction of any kind on sexual intercourse. I was assured by several Todas not only that adultery was no motive for divorce, but that it was in no way regarded as wrong.
It seemed clear that there is no word for adultery in the Toda language. My interpreter, Samuel, had translated the Commandments shortly before my visit, and only discovered while working with me that the expression he had used in translating the seventh Commandment really bore a very different meaning.
When a word for a concept is absent in any language it by no means follows that the concept has not been developed, but in this case I have little doubt that there is no definite idea in the mind of the Toda corresponding to that denoted by our word 'adultery.
One group of those who experience difficulty in getting to the next world after death are the kashtvainol, or grudging people, and I believe this term includes those who would in a more civilised community be plaintiffs in the divorce court.
In nearly every known community, whether savage, barbarous or civilised, there is found to exist a deeply rooted antipathy to sexual intercourse between brother and sister.
In savage communities where kinship is of the classificatory kind, this antipathy extends not only to the children of one mother, but to all those who are regarded as brothers and sisters because they are members of the same clan or other social unit.
In some communities, such as those of Torres Straits, this antipathy may extend to relatives as remote as those we call second and third cousins, so long as descent through the male line from a common ancestor and membership of the same clan lead people to regard one another as brother and sister.
It is very doubtful whether this widespread, almost universal abhorrence is shared by the Todas. I was told that members of the same clan might have intercourse with one another, and in a preliminary ceremony for an office a special part was taken by a woman who possessed the qualification that she had never had intercourse with a man of her own clan, and it was said it was far from easy to find such a woman.
When I collected this information, it seemed clear that this meant that a woman who, before marriage had belonged to a given clan, had never had intercourse with a man of that clan.
But since a woman joins the clan of her husband, and since, marriage taking place at an early age, the woman belongs to her husband's clan from this early age, it has since occurred to me that an alternative explanation of the restriction is possible; though it does not seem to me to be likely.
It is possible that what is meant is that the woman should never have had intercourse with any of her husband's clan except those who are properly her husbands.
If this explanation were the correct one, the prohibition would seem to be directed against practices resembling communal marriage, and would be interesting evidence in favour of the existence of this type of marriage, since there are no prohibitions against what does not exist nor has ever existed.
As I have said, however, I think it very unlikely that the prohibition is to be interpreted in this way, but I regret very greatly that it did not occur to me to inquire carefully into this point on the spot.
So far as I could tell, the laxity in sexual matters is equally great before and after marriage.
If a girl who has been married in infancy, but has not yet joined her husband, should become pregnant, the husband would be called upon to give the bow and arrow at the pursiapimi ceremony and would be the father of the child, even if he were still a young boy, or if it were known that he was not the father of the child.
I only heard of one case in recent times in which an unmarried girl had become pregnant. In this case a man who was a matchuni of the woman was called in to give the bow and arrow, but he did not regard himself as married to the woman and did not live with her.
That some stigma was attached to the occurrence may possibly be shown by the fact that this woman remained unmarried for some years, and then only married a man who was certainly below the general standard of the Todas in intelligence.
The child, a daughter, of the woman died soon after birth, so that I had no chance of ascertaining whether the irregularity of her birth would have had any influence on her position in Toda society.
If, however, a child is born without the PursatPimi ceremony having been performed, it is called Padmokh and an indelible disgrace attaches to it throughout life.
From any point of view, and certainly from the point of view of the savage, the sexual morality of the Todas among themselves is very low.
It is an interesting subject of speculation how far this laxity is the result of the practice of polyandry, for since low sexual morality brings in its train various factors which tend to sterility, we may have here, as Mr.
Punnett has suggested elsewhere, a reason why polyandry is so rare a form of marriage. The practice of polyandry must almost inevitably weaken the sentiment of possession on the part of the man which does so much to maintain the more ordinary forms of marriage.
The low sexual morality of the Todas is not, however limited in its scope to the relations within the Toda community. Conflicting views are held by those who know the Nilgiri Hills as to the relations of the Todas with the other inhabitants, and especially with the train of natives which the European immigration to the hills has brought in its wake.
The general opinion on the hills is that in this respect the morality of the Todas is as low as it well could be, but it is a question whether this opinion is not too much based on the behaviour of the inhabitants of one or two villages near the European settlements, and I think it is probable that the larger part of the Todas remain more uncontaminated than is generally supposed.
That the Todas are perhaps not so depraved as they are painted is suggested by two considerations. There is little evidence of the existence of many half-breeds.
I examined in one way or another over Todas and must have seen nearly the whole of the people who form the Toda population.
I saw few who suggested Tamil or Badaga intermixture and only one boy whose appearance suggested European parentage. A more careful examination than I gave might, however, have revealed other suspicious cases, and perhaps in a race which practices infanticide the absence or paucity of half-breeds may not carry much weight.
The other consideration is of a different kind and tends to show not only that the Todas are not so depraved as they are painted, but that they are not so black as they paint themselves.
By means of the genealogical record I was able to work out the relationship to one another of forty-three individual suffering from colour-blindness.
Since this condition run mainly in the female line, it does not afford very cogent evidence of paternity; but a full examination of my records seems to show that colour-blind men, or rather males of colour-blind families, had colour-blind descendants more often than perhaps might have been expected if the Toda are in practice quite as promiscuous as their social regulation allow them to be.
The record of the affinity of the colour blind suggests that in spite of the theoretical promiscuity, the husbands are, in practice, very often the fathers of their children.
A few histories of individuals may be given as examples of the various marriage customs which have been described in this chapter.
One of the most married of Toda women is Puvizveli of Kusharf She was married in infancy to Singudr 55 , of the same clan as Sinkors, the mother of Puvizveli, and the two were probably the matchuni of one another, though only in a distant way.
Puvizveli was taken from Singudr by Madsu and Koboners 58 , who gave for her three buffaloes. From them she was transferred to Kangudr of Piedr 62 , it being arranged that he should pay seven buffaloes.
Soon after joining Kangudr, Puvizveli became ill, and since there is a prohibition of marriages between the clans of Piedr and Kusharf, it was agreed that he pair should separate, and the woman was taken by Utners and Etamudri The eleven buffaloes had never been paid by Kangudr, so Tutners and his brother gave their buffaloes directly to Madsu and Koboners, but only four instead of eleven.
All these transactions took place while Puvizveli was still young, but by her new husbands she had a son who died soon after birth.
During her second pregnancy, he was taken by Perpakh and Tebkudr 68 , who gave six buffaloes. The transference took place before the pursidpimi ceremony had been performed.
Perpakh gave the bow and arrow, and the daughter since born is regarded as the child Perpakh and Tebkudr.
Puvizveli has also a Tarthar mokhthodvaiol. Edjog of Kuudr 56 was married in infancy to Nargudr 62 , the son of her mother's brothers, and therefore hermatchuni in the nearest sense.
From him Kiudners 70 and his two brothers took her for five buffaloes. Kiudners died before the buffaloes had been paid, and Edjog was taken by Mavodriners 65 , who arranged to pay the five buffaloes to Nargudr.
He did not do so, but after having a son by Edjog, he sent her back to the father, paying a kwadr of one buffalo.
So far, Nargudr had not received his five buffaloes, but he now obtained them from Kaners and Kudrievan 63 , who took the woman although she was the granddaughter of their sister Narskuti.
The marriage met with disapproval among the Todas on this account, though there does not appear to be any definite regulation against such a marriage; and at the time of my visit Edjog, a young woman of about twenty-seven, was still the wife of the two old men, aged about seventy and sixty-seven respectively.
Kuriolv of Kuudr 52 first married Punaveli 65 , by whom he had two children. He then took to live with him Pilimurg 7 , a Tarthar woman, giving to Pepners 44 , the husband of the woman, fifteen buffaloes.
Though Pilimurg is only legally his sedvaitazmokh, Kuriolv treats her as a wife She lives at one of the Kuudr villages, while Punaveli lives at another.
Pilimurg has had one son, Meilitars, since she has been living with Kuriolv, and Kuriolv always speaks of the boy as his son, though legally he is the son of Pepners, and his name will be found in the genealogies among the children of this man.
Recently Kuriolv has also married Sintharap 68 , sharing her with Onadj 57 , of the same clan as Kuriolv, but belonging to a different family.
Sintharap has had three children, for the first of whom Kuriolv performed thepursi0pimi ceremony, and since no one has performed this ceremony for the succeeding children, they are also regarded as the children of Kuriolv.
One of these children was Sinerani, whose funeral ceremonies have been described. Kuriolv's son Kulpakh 52 , married Toridz 65 , sharing her with Kiladrvan 6o , of the same clan as Kulpakh, but of a different family.
At the first pregnancy Kulpakh gave the bow and arrow, and was regarded as the father of that child and of two- succeeding children who were born while Kulpakh was alive.
After the birth of the third child Kulpakh died, and Toriclz has since continued to live with Kiladrvan and has had two more children.
Kuriolv, the father of the dead man, succeeded in preventing Kiladrvan from performing the pursutpimi ceremony before the birth of either of these children, and consequently they are regarded as the children of the dead Kulpakh and belong to Kuriolv's division polm of the clan and not to that of Kiladrvan.
Here, by virtue of the Aursfilpimi ceremony, a dead man is the legal father of two children who are known to be really the sons of his fellow-husband.
In the preceding cases the people belong to the Teivaliol. Among the Tartharol there are similar histories. Pupidz of Kwodrdoni 35 was married in infancy to two brothers, Kalgeners and Kinagudr, belonging to the same clan as the mother of Pupidz, so that she would probably have called them matchuni, though they were not nearly related.
From these boys Pupidz was taken by Patser 26 , who gave for her three buffaloes. From Patser she was taken by Siriar 20 for five buffaloes.
Some time later Pepob 44 wished to marry Pupidz, but both she and Siriar were unwilling to be separated. Pepob, however, persuaded the council to arrange that he should have the woman for three buffaloes, and soon after five or six men carried off the woman by force, entering Siriar's hut at night.
Two of the men held Siriar while the others carried off his wife, who became pregnant by Pepob, but Siriar, who had been trying to get back his wife, succeeded when she was about at the sixth month.
The hand-burning ceremony had already been performed, but Siriar gave the bow and arrow, and is therefore the legal father of the boy born afterwards, although Pepob is known to have been the real father.
Siriar had to give Pepob eleven buffialoes, though he had only received three, and had given five to the previous husband. Nanbarvan of Kars 7 first married Pothenir 47 , by whom he had one son.
Nanbarvan went to England with a party of Todas, and Pothenir then married Kutadri, Nanbarvan's first cousin.
On his return from England, Nanbarvan married Sifidod 38 , by whom he had and since that time he has had no wife, though he claims that fraveli, his brother's wife, is also his.
There seems to be no doubt, however, that he does not live with his brother in the same way as in most cases of polyandry, and is a wanderer with no regular home of his own, but I could not discover the cause of this.
A dispute about a marriage was in progress while I was on the Hills, which I did not understand completely, but it appeared that Oselig 24 , who had been first married to Teigudr 4 , was then taken by Punog Punog was said to have treated his wife badly, and to have failed to perform his duties when therewas a funeral in the family of Nertiners, the brother of Oselig.
He had not given the proper pddri, nor had he taken part in the cloth-giving ceremony, so Oselig ran away from him and took refuge with her brother.
After a month Punog demanded back his wife and also twelve buffaloes which he had left with Nertiners for grazing purposes.
Nertiners refused to send back his wife, and returned only eight of the buffaloes. He also proceeded to arrange that Oselig should marry Udrchovan 36 , and Punog accused Nertiners of having got up the whole quarrel in order that Oselig should make this marriage.
The matter was referred to the council, and it was decided that Oselig should become the wife of Udrchovan, but I did not hear for how many buffaloes, nor how the other disputes about buffaloes and pddri were settled.
At this time Udrchovan had another wife, Pandut She had been the wife of Udrchovan and his brother Popners from infancy, and after having three children, who died young, she had been sent away and Udrchovan married Kavener 3 , while his brother married Silkot Later Kavener was taken from Udrchovan by Kudrvas i i , and Udrchovan remarried Pandut, who in the meantime had had two other husbands.
To the foregoing accounts, which I give as exceptional and not as typical examples of the uncertainty of Toda married life, I add one taken from the book published by Captain Harkness in , p The notes are added by myself.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published before January 1, The author died in , so this work is also in the public domain in countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 80 years or less.
Entera y absolutamente. Entera o absolutamente , o con todas las circunstancias. Absoluta y generalmente. En suma , en total. Son por todas pesetas.
Con especialidad , mayormente , principalmente. Acudieron todos a una a su llamada. Del lat. Neutro todo. Tuits de RAEinforma.
Diccionario del estudiante. DLE descargable.
Todas VideoFlor-de-lis - Todas As Ruas Do Amor (Portugal) LIVE 2009 Eurovision Song Contest Esta noche veremos hasta dónde estás dispuesto a llegar para romper esas cadenas de una vez por todas. Heute Nacht werden wir sehen, wie weit du zu gehen. Desgraciadamente el cuadro que hemos trazado no es el retrato de todas las que llevan el nombre de madres de familia, pero el número de casas bien. Muchos ejemplos de oraciones traducidas contienen “cumplir todas las recomendaciones” – Diccionario alemán-español y buscador de traducciones en. Muchos ejemplos de oraciones traducidas contienen “todas las personas” – Diccionario alemán-español y buscador de traducciones en alemán. Consignei as rendas todas De Comendas, de Morgados A tratantes que me dérão Terço menos do que valem. 13ATHEZEL• Eu nem posso tal fazer: Achei. Registrieren Sie sich für weitere Beispiele sehen Es click at this page einfach und kostenlos Registrieren Tote mГ¤dchen lГјgen nicht anschauen. Diese Verordnung sollte für alle Robben gelten. Sprachausgabe: Hier kostenlos testen! Ich hab raus, wie wir Jimmy ein für allemal loswerden. Das wird ein für alle Mal erledigt. Nein auf alle Fragen, die du stellen wirst. Ich wollte Ihren Zweifeln ein für alle Mal ein Ende see more. Quiero aclarar todas de una vez por todas.
The whole of the country's exports belong to the mining sector. Every week I meet with my boss to discuss the team's progress.
A pronoun is a word that stands in for a noun e. Which purse do you like the most? Have you met my coworkers yet? Did Clara's friends go to the wedding?
Everyone was there. Falta Marta. Is everybody in the car? We're missing Marta. Although a Teivali man is strictly prohibited from marrying a Tarthar woman, he may take a woman of this division to live with him at his village, the man being known as the mokhthodvaiol of the woman.
This connexion, which will be more fully considered the end of this chapter, may be regarded as a recognised form of marriage, but it differs from the orthodox form in that the children of the union belong to the division of the mother.
They do not, however, belong to her clan, but to that of her legal husband. Similarly, the same kind of connexion may be formed between a Tarthar man and a Teivali woman, but in this case the woman is not allowed to live at the village of the mokhthodvaiol, who may either visit her occasionally or go to live at her village.
It has already been mentioned that each of the two divisions of the Toda community is divided into a number of septs or clans, and these are definite exogamous groups.
No man or woman may marry a member of his or her own clan, but must marry into another clan. This restriction applies even to the members of clans which are known to have separated from one another in recent times.
Thus, among the Tartharol certain members of the Melgarsol separated from the main group, and their descendants have formed a separate group or groups known as the Kidmadol and Karshol, but although the separation took place many years ago there still remains a definite prohibition against a marriage of members of these clans with the Melgars people.
The clans of Pedrkars and Kulhern among the Teivaliol are offshoots of the Kuudrol, but here the separation seems to have occurred so long ago that the common origin is not regarded as a bar to marriage.
In the whole of the genealogical record given in the tables at the end of the volume there is not a single case in which marriage has occurred between two members of the same clan.
Among many races at or below the stage of culture of the Todas prohibition of marriage within the clan is usually accompanied by prohibition of sexual intercourse, and such intercourse is regarded as incest and often as the greatest - of crimes.
It is doubtful whether there is any such strict prohibition among the Todas. In the qualifying ceremony for the office of palol known as tesherst, it is ordained that the woman who takes part in the ceremony shall be one who has never had intercourse with one of her own clan, and I was told that it was far from easy to find such a woman.
The fact, however, that this restriction should exist in connexion with a ceremony suggests that even to the Todas there is something reprehensible in intercourse between man and woman of the same clan see also P.
There are certain special prohibitions against marriage between members of certain clans. Among the Tartharol the Panol are not allowed to marry the Kanodrsol, a prohibition said to be due to the murder of Parden by Kwoten, and it is said that since that day no marriage has ever taken place between the clans of the two men.
In the genealogical record there is no case in which these two clans have intermarried. I was also told that the people of Melgars and Kwodrdoni might not intermarry, but there are three examples of such marriages in the genealogies.
I could not obtain any reason for the restriction, and the information is probably incorrect. The restrictions on marriage between the people of Melgars and those of Kidmad and Karsh have already, been considered.
Among the Teivaliol there are also prohibitions against intermarriage between certain clans. The people of Piedr may not marry those of Kusharf.
In one of these cases, however, in which a Piedr man married a Kusharf woman, the woman soon became seriously ill, and the marriage was annulled.
I could obtain no reason for the prohibition of marriage between these two clans. Marriage was also prohibited between the Piedrol and the Pedrkarsol, this being due to a comparatively recent quarrel between members of the two clans, of which an account is given in Chapter XXVIII.
I have analysed the genealogical records with the view of ascertaining whether certain clans intermarry with any special frequency.
The Karsol, the largest of the Tarthar clans, distribute their marriages widely over the whole Tarthar division.
The Panol chiefly marry with Kars and Melgars. The Taradrol have married most often with Nodrs, Kars and Melgars Keradr, a very small clan, shows no special predilection.
The people of Kwodrdoni marry most often people of Kanodrs, Kars and Nidrsi. The Pamol have married chiefly with Kanodrs, Kars and Melgars.
Most of the Nidrsi marriages have been with Kars. These facts are interesting in that they show that there is a tendency for the three clans of Nodrs, Kars and Taradr to intermarry.
These are not only the most important Tarthar clans, but they occupy the same district of the hills, in the centre and towards the north and north-west, Similarly, the clans of Kanodrs, Kwodrdoni and Pam, situated towards the north-east and east, show a distinct tendency to intermarry.
Further, the Melgarsol, who form a special group standing somewhat apart from the rest, distribute their marriages fairly equally, but have often married with Pam, a clan seated near them geographically.
The analysis of the genealogies shows that the geographical distribution of the Tartharol on the hills has had a definite influence on the intermarriage of the different clans.
Among the Teivaliol, intermarriage has been greatly influenced by the enormous size of the Kuudrol as compared with the other clans of the division.
In order to marry outside their own clan, the people of Kuudr have married nearly all the available members of the other clans of the Teivaliol, leaving very few to intermarry with one another.
Thus the genealogies record marriages between Kuudrol and members of the other five Teivali clans, leaving only sixteen marriages between the members of those five clans.
Owing to the enormous development of one clan, the Teivali division has almost come to be in the position of a community with a dual marrying organisation in which every member of one group must marry a member of the other group, but there is no reason whatever to think that this is due to any other reason than the excessive development of one clan in numbers.
On studying the marriages in detail, it is found that the Kuudrol have married members of the Piedr clan most frequently, but this is chiefly because the Piedrol stand second to the Kuudrol in point of numbers, although it is also furthered by the restriction in marriage between Piedr and Kusharf.
The marriages of the Kuudrol with other clans seem to be determined more by the numbers available than by any predilection for special clans.
Both Pedrkars and Kulhem are said to be offshoots of the Kuudrol, but apparently the separation is so remote that the common origin is not regarded as a bar to marriage.
The Todas have never married people outside their own community, and a strong prejudice against such marriages still exists.
This may be illustrated by two recent cases. A woman, married in the usual way, was divorced by her husband because she became ill.
She returned to her own home, where she was visited by a Tamil blacksmith. The latter was very anxious to marry the woman and on one occasion took her away to the plains, but she was followed by her relatives and brought back to her home.
Later she married two Toda brothers and was taken by them to their village, but she was followed by the blacksmith, who brought her back to the village of her parents.
The Todas seem to have no strong objection to her relations with the stranger so long as she remains among themselves. In the other case a woman about twelve years ago was visited by a rich Mohammedan who gave money to her husbands, and it was said also that he bribed the chief Toda people, ie.
The Mohammedan wished very much to marry the woman and for a sum of money the Todas consented. After the woman had lived for a few days in the bazaar with her new husband, her relatives came and took her away, and I was told that the Mohammedan took the loss so much to heart that he died of grief, but my informants were doubtful whether his grief was due to the loss of his wife or whether it was because he had impoverished himself by the bribes which he had given.
Here again the people appear to have had no objection to the relations of the woman with the Mohammedan so long as she remained in the community.
The members of his own clan are not the only kin whom a man is not allowed to marry. The Todas have a general term, piiliol, for those relatives whose intermarriage is prohibited.
The term is applied by a man not only to the women whom he may not marry, but also to the families in general into which he may not marry; thus a man may speak of other men as his piiliol, meaning by this that he may not marry their sisters.
This, however, is only a loose way of using the word, and, putting on one side this sense with which the word may be used, the following are the piiliol of a man The sisters of his father and conversely the daughters of his sisters, ie.
The relatives under the first head will be members of the same clan as the man, and the prohibition of marriage between piiliol under this head may be regarded as a restriction on either clanship or kinship.
There seemed to be no doubt, however, that in connection with marriage, a man always thought of these relatives as piiliol included all the people of his own clan.
If I am right in this, it means that it is the bond of blood-kinship which a Toda has chiefly in his mind when he considers whether he may or may not marry a given woman.
He has not two kinds of prohibited affinity, one depending on clan relations, and another on relations of blood-kinship, but he has only one kind of prohibited affinity, to which he gives the general term joidiel, including certain kin through the father and certain kin through the mother, and there is no evidence that he considers the bond of kinship in one case as different from the other as regards restriction on marriage.
The fact that the Toda includes all those kin whom he may not marry under one general term, and that the kin in question include members both of his own and other clans, goes to show that the Todas recognise the blood-kinship as the restrictive agency rather than the bond produced by membership of the same clan.
The analysis of the genealogical record has shown that these restrictions on marriage are enforced. I have already stated that the genealogies show no single case in which marriage has occurred between members of the same clan.
I have also failed to find a single case in which marriage has taken place between the children of two own sisters, or of marriage between the children of two women who would call each other "sister" whose names occur in the same genealogical table.
Thus I have found no case in which a marriage has taken place between the children of two women so closely related to one another as Punzueleimi and Nasturs, of Table 3, these women being first cousins according to our system of kinship.
It would be a prolonged task to ascertain whether marriage ever takes place among the Tartharol between the children of two clan-sisters in the widest sense, and I do not know whether such marriage may not sometimes occur.
Among the Teivaliol marriages between clan-sisters even in the widest sense must be very rare owing to the fact that nearly all marriages take place between people of Kuudr on the one hand and members of the five other Teivali clans on the other.
Since in most cases two women of any one of these five clans marry men of Kuudr, marriage between their children would be restricted under the first prohibition, and similarly the children of two Kuudr women could only intermarry in those cases in which members of the other five clans have married one another.
Among the Teivaliol, I do not believe that marriages take place between the children of sisters in the widest sense, and I have little doubt that they are very exceptional among the Tartharol.
There is no case in the genealogies in which the third restriction has been broken, in which a man has married his father's sister or his sister's daughter, his mumi or his mankugh.
There is at least one case in the genealogies in which there has been an infringement of the fourth restriction given on page The marriage of Nargudr 62 with Tolveli 58 is an example of the marriage of a man with the daughter of his grandfather's sister.
I believe that this restriction is part of a wider regulation. Using Toda terms of kinship the law would run: a person must not marry the child of his matchuni.
The marriage of a man with the 'daughter of his grandfather's sister, such as that of Nargudr with Tolveli, would be an infringement of this law.
I have only found one other case in the genealogies in which this law would have been broken, ie. Tersveli's father, Teikudr, is the son of Kavani, the sister of Pareivan, Teitnir's father.
Teikudr is therefore the matchuni of Teitnir, who has married his daughter. I was told that though a man might not marry the daughter of his sister, he might marry the children of this woman.
I do not know of any such marriage and it is improbable that it would often come about, since it would involve the marriage of a woman with the brother of her grandfather.
There is, however, at the present time an example of the marriage of a woman with her father's mother's brother, whom she would therefore call pia, or grandfather.
This is the marriage of Kaners and his brother Kudrievan 63 with Edjog 56 , the daughter of Toliners, the son of the sister of the two men.
I was told, however, that this marriage met with a good deal of disapproval among the Todas, but I could not learn that there was any definite prohibition against it.
While marriage with the daughter of a father's brother and a mother's sister is prohibited, the daughter of a father's sister or a mother's brother is the natural wife of a man.
The orthodox marriage is marriage between matchuni, the children of brother and sister. Thus it is obviously not nearness of blood-kinship in itself which acts as a restriction on marriage, but nearness of blood-kinship of a certain kind.
I have analysed the genealogies to ascertain the frequency with which marriages between matchuni occur.
The genealogical tables record about marriages, of which are Tarthar and Teivali. Only a small proportion of these are marriages between children of own brother and sister.
Among the Tartharol there are 40 and among the Tei-valiol 25 such marriages, making together 65 or per cent.
Since, however, the matchuni of a man include a much wider circle of relatives than the children of his mother's own brother and father's own sister, the number of marriages between matchuni is very much larger than this.
Nearly all the Teivali marriages are marriages between matchuni in this wider sense, while among the Tartharol there are also many other marriages of this kind.
One of the reasons why the orthodox marriage custom is not still more commonly followed is the existence of the practice called terersthi, to be considered later in this chapter.
According to this practice wives are transferred from one man to another, and in this transference no attention appears to be paid to the kinship tie.
The woman, or rather girl, originally married to a man may have been his matchuni, but the woman who finally becomes his wife by the working of the terersthi custom may not be and probably in most cases is not his matchuni.
In many cases in the genealogies, the original infant marriage may have been forgotten, and the marriage recorded may be the result of the terersthi custom.
If I had a complete record of all infant marriages, I have no doubt that the proportion of marriages between matchuni would have been larger.
In some families marriages between matchuni in the near sense occur much more frequently than in others.
Thus of the forty matchuni marriages among the Tartharol, the husband or wife belonged to the Taradrol in fifteen cases, and in one large Taradr family, that of Parkeidi 21 , six out of eight children married their matchuni in the near sense.
It is perhaps significant in this connexion that the Taradrol have been comparatively little affected by outside influences.
They are a clan which might be expected to keep up the orthodox Toda custom. Another example of a family in which the orthodox marriage custom has been frequently followed is that of Table 52, where there may be found eight cases of the marriage of matchuni in the near sense, and several others where the matchuni relationship is more distant.
In some cases marriages have taken place between the children of matchuni. Thus the marriage of Uvolthli 65 with Sinmundeivi 20 among the Tartharol, and of Pangudr 66 with Nelbur 54 and Kanokh 56 with Sanmidz 63 among the Teivaliol, are all cases in which marriages have taken place between the children of two men who called one another matchuni.
There may be other cases, but these examples are perhaps sufficient to show that these marriages may be held to take the place of the orthodox matchuni union.
While marriages between matchuni are the rule and marriages between the children of matchuni certainly not unlawful, we have seen that marriage with the child of a matchuni is prohibited.
From our point of view, this means that while marriage with a first cousin is orthodox, marriage with a first cousin once removed is unlawful, while again it seems that marriage with a first cousin twice removed may be lawful.
The more distant tie of kinship from our point of view is unlawful, while the nearer is commanded. Marriage with a matchuni may often involve considerable disproportion of age.
In one case at the present time a boy of about two years of age is married to a woman of about twenty. The woman, Nulnir 10 , was still unmarried when she reached this age, so she was married to her matchuni -- Kagerikutan 25 , the son of her mother's brother.
In this case the orthodox marriage was resorted to when the woman had failed to obtain a husband in any other way, although it involved marriage with a baby.
In another case, the marriage of Keitkarg 38 and Potoveli 49 , in which the woman is considerably older than her husband, the husband and wife are matchuni.
There is one ceremonial marriage in which the husband always stands in the relation of matchuni to the wife.
This is in the performance of the pursutpimi ceremony at the funeral of a girl unmarried at the time of her death.
The boy who is chosen to give the bow and arrow and to act as the husband is always, so far as I could discover, the matchuni of the dead girl.
Similarly, if an unmarried boy dies, the girl who is chosen to act as his widow should be his matchuni. In one case of which I have a record, the son of Tutners 58 died and Sotidz 66 was chosen to act as widow.
None of the brothers of Puvizveli 65 , the mother of the dead boy, had at that time a son, so the duty was undertaken by the daughter of Pangudr, of the same clan as Puvizveli, but belonging to a different family.
In this case the matchuni was the daughter of a clanbrother because there was no nearer matchuni available.
Keinba, who acted as husband at the funeral of Sinerani see P. A matchuni may be either the child of a mother's brother or of a father's sister, and I have examined the genealogies to see if a man marries the daughter of his mother's brother or of his father's sister the more frequently, and find that there is no great difference, though the former marriage is somewhat the more frequent.
There are among the Tartharol twenty cases in which a man has married the daughter of his mother's brother, two of marriage with the daughter of a stepmother's brother, and one with the daughter of a stepmother's half-brother, making twenty-three cases in all.
On the other band, a man married the daughter of his father's sister in fourteen cases, twice he married the daughter of his father's half-sister, and once the stepdaughter of his father's sister, making seventeen cases in all.
Among the Teivaliol marriages with the daughter of a father's sister are the more frequent, there being fifteen of these as compared with ten cases of marriage with the daughter of a mother's brother.
The Toda have a completely organised and definite system of polyandry. When a woman marries a man, it is understood that she becomes the wife of his brothers at the same time.
When a boy married to a girl, not only are his brothers usually regarded as also the husands of the girl, but any brother born later will similarly be regarded as sharing his older brothers' rights.
In the vast majority of polyandrous marriages at the present time, the husbands are own brothers. A glance through the genealogies will show the great frequency of polyandry, and that in nearly every case the husbands are own brothers.
In a few cases in which the husbands are not own brothers, they are clan-brothers, ie. Instances of such marriages are those of Toridz 65 with Kulpakh 52 and Kiladrvan 60 , and of Sintharap 68 with Kuriolv 52 and Onadj There is only one instance recorded in the genealogies in which a woman had at the same time husbands belonging to different clans, viz.
While I was on the hills, there was a project on foot that three unmarried youths belonging to three different clans should have a wife in common, but the project was frustrated and the marriage did not take place.
It is possible that at one time the polyandry of the Todas was not so strictly 'fraternal' as it is at present, and it is perhaps in favour of this possibility that in the instance of polyandry given by Harkness the husbands were obviously not own brothers.
It must be remembered, however, that this case came to the notice of Captain Harkness because the polyandry had led to disputes, and, as we shall see shortly, it is in those cases of polyandry in which the husbands are not own brothers that disputes arise.
The arrangement of family life in the case of a polyandrous marriage differs according as the husbands are, or are not, own brothers.
In the former case it seemed that there is never any difficulty, and that disputes never arise. The brothers live together, and my informants seemed to regard it as a ridi- culous idea that there should ever be disputes or jealousies of the kind that might be expected in such a household.
When the wife becomes pregnant, the eldest brother performs the ceremony of giving the bow and arrow, but the brothers are all equally regarded as the fathers of the child.
If one of the brothers leaves the rest and sets up an establishment of his own, it appeared, however, that he might lose his right to be regarded as the father of the children.
If a man is asked the name of his father, he usually gives the name of one man only, even when he is the offspring of a polyandrous marriage.
Gana euros todos los meses. Estaba pendiente de toda palabra que saliera de su boca. Entero o en su totalidad.
Con la fuerza toda de su enorme poder. Indica que la persona o cosa denotada por el sustantivo al que modifica cumple todos los atributos que se asocian con un prototipo.
Fue todo un acontecimiento. Te lo digo con toda franqueza. Iban a toda velocidad. Designa la totalidad de los miembros de un conjunto.
La limpieza de la ciudad nos concierne a todos. Indica el conjunto integral de los componentes de lo denotado por el sustantivo no contable al que se refiere.
Por completo , por entero o enteramente.